The Pottery Barn Rule

Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, aboard the USS Iwo Jima after his capture, is seen in this handout image posted by U.S. President Donald Trump on Truth Social Jan. 3, 2026. 

The Pottery Barn Rule is that “if you break it, you own it.” The saying was popularized by then Secretary of State Colin Powell in advising President George W. Bush in 2002 prior to the military invasion of Iraq. It originated, according to Bob Woodward, then with the Washington Post, when the Secretary told the President that, “You are going to be the proud owner of 25 million people. You will own all their hopes, aspirations, and problems. You’ll own it all.”  As of today, we now have the same situation in Venezuela.

Early this morning, U.S. forces “arrested” Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores in a coordinated joint force operation in Caracas. Technically, the U.S. military was supporting the FBI, also on the raid, who made the actual arrest. Maduro was first indicted in March 2020. A new superseding indictment was unsealed this year. The complicated raid went off very well and the women and men of the U.S. Armed Forces should be congratulated and praised for their professionalism, bravery and ability to pull it off without the loss of personnel or equipment. It was a great tactical success. The Venezuelan president and first lady will be taken to the United States later today and held on drug trafficking and weapons charges.

Unfortunately, a great tactical success may turn out to be a strategic disaster.

Every senior military officer is taught about a “policy-strategy match.” In dealing with Venezuela there was and is a huge policy-strategy mismatch. For months the Trump administration has been arguing that the reason for their attacks on fishing boats is to stop drugs from getting to the U.S. The policy was to stop the flow of drugs. The strategy — blowing up small fishing boats, whether or not drugs were on board — would never stop that flow. It is a complete mismatch. Fifteen thousand uniformed Americans and a carrier strike group were not there to interdict drugs. As we have all come to know, most lethal drugs such as fentanyl come from Mexico. Few drugs are actually created in Venezuela, it is more of a transit station for cocaine headed to Europe. Indeed, Trump pardoned a convicted drug king pin, the former president of Honduras Juan Fernando Hernandez, who was sentenced to forty-five years in prison. It was never about drugs.

Then there were rumblings about “regime change.” From a military perspective, what does that mean? It is way too vague of a concept to build a strategy to accomplish it. Regime change is more than just removing the head of government. The regime consists of countless government officials, military officers and units, police, intelligence services, bank officials and on and on. To carry out regime change means a whole of government response. It includes political and economic forces and officials, not just the military. Today Trump administration officials tried to put the arrest of Maduro in the compartment labeled “narco-terrorism.” It is not about that. (Please do not misunderstand me. Maduro is a bad guy. I have no sympathy for him at all. But there are lots of bad guys around the world. Why this one? Let’s look at the larger implications.)

It is about oil and Trump setting himself up as the king of the Western Hemisphere. That was clear from his “speech” and answers to questions at Mar-A-Lago today. It is about power and riches and our profound “right” to both, even at the expense of the sovereignty of other nations. As he explained today, “All the way back, it dated to the Monroe Doctrines and the Monroe Doctrine is a big deal. But we’ve superseded it by a lot, by a real lot. They now call it the Monroe Doctrine. I don’t know, it’s Don-roe Doctrine. We sort of forgot about it. It was very important, but we forgot about it. We don’t forget about it anymore.”

The first rule of strategic planning is defining the end state. Trump set out vague guidelines today that to put into coherent terms means the U.S. will take Venezuelan oil. That is his desired end state. But as anyone that has planned anything knows, one also needs to think through the steps to get there and do the cost benefit analysis as to whether it is worth it. None of that appears to have been done in this case.

Oh. Oh.

The flawless military plan was fantastic. Now what? What we got today was a vague assurance that “we” — the United States — would “run” Venezuela until we transition to a new government that can take over. That could be a year or more, according to Trump. Meanwhile, when asked specifically who the “we” are and did that mean U.S. military forces would occupy the country, all I could figure out that he said was “maybe.” Clearly, no one — at least no one at the top — has thought much about what comes next. That is dangerous.

Maduro may be gone but his regime remains intact. The paramilitary enforcers remain intact. The drug lords remain intact. The corrupt officials that bankrupted the country remain intact. And so on. The country is 353,841 square miles in size (roughly twice the size of California) with a population of about 30 million people. Most of the population lives north of the Orinoco River and 88 percent live in urban areas. How is the U.S. going to run that with bureaucrats sitting in Washington D.C.? Trump promises the Venezuelans a wonderful new life of prosperity using oil money. How does that work on a day to day basis? Especially since he also said that the oil money would go to the companies that had their oil and land “stolen” in the 1970s. (They did not have it stolen. They never owned it.) Who supplies medical treatment, groceries, sanitation and all the other things we now take for granted in modern cities? There are significant humanitarian needs that must be met when running another country.

From the way Trump talked today, he was only interested in the oil. Perhaps they will put troops into the oil region to guard the workers employed by the American oil companies that he promises will have everything up and running in no time. What about the rest of the country? Even if he is only interested in the oil areas, massive amounts of troops, far more than are in the Caribbean right now, will be needed to provide security. Those troops will need logistical support. That means getting ports and airfields working and moving supplies efficiently which means even more troops.

We learned some hard lessons in the early part of this century in Iraq. We learned some in Afghanistan as well. It is hard to convert a foreign country into a working democracy. We gave up in both Iraq and Afghanistan because it was too hard, but only after we had lost a lot of lives and treasure. Here is another secret from those experiences — civilian planners thought the U.S. military would be welcomed as heroes because they got rid of the dictators. While they were glad that they were gone, they did not want foreigners in their country. Who pays the police and Venezuelan military when things start to fall apart? Will we disarm them? What if they do not want to be disarmed? In Iraq the police and military units were suddenly without any income, but they still had weapons and were mad as hell. That is not a good combination.

Not once today did Trump, or Rubio or Hegseth mention anything about elections and the transition of power except in passing in response to a question. The Venezuelan opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Maria Corina Machado was not consulted or informed of the pending arrest of Maduro. She would be the logical choice for a new government to coalesce around but today Trump said about her, “I think it would be very tough for her to be the leader. She doesn’t have the support within or the respect within the country. A very nice woman, but she doesn’t have the respect.” Maybe he is just jealous that she won the prize and he did not.

It is also necessary to point out that no one in the House or Senate was notified of the impending raid. They were only told about it afterwards. Once more, the branch of the government responsible for declaring war was left out in the cold.

Equally troubling is the impact that this action had on our friends, allies and adversaries around the world. From many of their viewpoints, the U.S. declared open season to hunt down anyone in any country if they are deemed a criminal. Sovereignty went out the window as the U.S. demonstrated that anything goes. Further, in his remarks, Trump vaguely threatened the presidents of Colombia and Mexico. Apparently, if Trump wants it he will take it. So much for the rule of law.

We now own Venezuela. I have no idea how that will play out. It could be all talk and no action after nabbing Maduro Trump may forget all about taking over and running Venezuela. He does have an extremely short attention span. We will see.

Happy New Year.


War In Iran

For almost a week, Israel and Iran have exchanged bombs, missiles and drones causing damage and casualties, military and civilian, on both sides. Israel initiated the conflict when it attacked Iranian nuclear facilities and took out most of the leadership in the Iranian military and Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as well as many of the leading scientists working in their nuclear program. According to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli intelligence agencies believe that the Iranian nuclear program was on the brink of producing one to fifteen nuclear weapons. Since Iranian leaders vow to erase Israel from the face of the earth, the Prime Minister viewed these developments as an existential threat and attacked. (Some politico-military analysts are debating whether it was a “preemptive” strike — meaning an Iranian attack was imminent — or whether it was a “preventive” strike — meaning there was no immediate danger but the Israelis wanted to make sure there was no chance of Iran developing a nuclear weapon. For most of us, that matters little, but under international law, it has significance.)

There is a long history behind the current conflict. For many years, Israel, the United States, and indeed the world worried about the religious zealots in Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. Presidents of both parties have vowed that they would prevent it from happening. Additionally, Iran was the main supporter of terrorism in the world. (They are still a supporter of terrorism, but their proxies in Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis have been greatly diminished and Syria is no longer in Iran’s sphere of influence, limiting their reach, but not their ability to strike.) In 2015, President Obama negotiated the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran along with support from China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and Germany (known as the P5+1). In brief, the JCPOA limited Iran’s nuclear weapon program as verified by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in exchange for sanctions relief. Trump withdrew from the plan in 2018, re-imposing sanctions and Iran has been ramping up its nuclear efforts since then. Trump was negotiating a “new” agreement with Iran that looks very much like the one that he withdrew from in 2018. Prime Minister Netanyahu denounced the JCPOA from the beginning and lobbied the current administration not to strike any agreements with Iran.

Israel continues to insist that the Iranian nuclear weapon capability was imminent. U.S. and U,K. intelligence sources, according to open press reports, assess that Iran is still not able to produce a weapon. Interestingly, the U.S. Director of National Intelligence (DNI) Tulsi Gabard testified before Congress in March that our intelligence agencies assessed that Iran was not capable of building a nuclear weapon. Yesterday, when asked about that assessment, Trump publicly contradicted his DNI, saying “I don’t care what she said” and avowing that he believed Mr. Netanyahu. (As a side note, if I were the DNI my resignation would be on the president’s desk about five minutes later. But we all know how this administration works. She is still in office.)

It is hard to know exactly what brought us to this point as both the Trump and Netanyahu administrations are not very forthcoming nor particularly truthful, and of course, military operations should remain classified until executed — unless you are Pete Hegseth — so it is only in retrospect that things look clearer. That said, from where I sit, it appears Prime Minister Netanyahu boxed Trump in before he could produce a “deal” with Iran. Emboldened by their successes in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria, Mr. Netanyahu saw that he had an opportunity to attack, had the forces to execute it, and wanted the world to be confronted with a fait accompli. There was no turning back. To date, the Israelis have inflicted significantly more damage on the Iranians than the other way around.

As yet, the U.S. is not involved. As yet. At least publicly.

There are some hard choices ahead for a president that campaigned by saying that he would keep us out of new wars in the Middle East. “America First” is interpreted by many MAGA voters as meaning no foreign wars in support of other nation’s interests. It is doubtful that Israel can continue to pursue its objectives without U.S. support. There are several reasons for that. Israel uses primarily U.S. weapons systems, aircraft, anti-ballistic missile defense systems, ammunition and other equipment. They do not have an unlimited supply. Giving more support to their efforts could get the U.S. involved whether by design or by accident. It also further diminishes our support to Ukraine as supplies are directed away from the Ukrainians and to the Israelis. Which is something that really does not bother Vladimir Putin even though Russia supports Iran — tough choices. Sorry Ayatollah.

Always looming on the horizon is direct U.S. military action against Iran. While prepared, no military planner that I know about relishes that idea. The reality is that Israel cannot completely destroy the Iranian nuclear program without destroying the main Iranian nuclear facility in Fordo, a small community near Qom. The facility is built in to a mountain and is considered extremely difficult to destroy. Current Israeli Air Force and missile capabilities cannot seriously damage it, unless they use one or more of their own nuclear weapons. That is an entirely different discussion. It is conceivable that Israeli special forces could attack it on the ground, but that is highly risky and is probably not on the table right now, especially because there is another option. The U.S. Air Force could deliver a “bunker buster” bomb — properly known as the GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP). It is a 30,000 pound GPS guided bomb launched from a B-2 Stealth Bomber that is believed to be able to penetrate at least 200 feet against concrete, rock or earth before it explodes. Multiple MOPs can be used to go even deeper, if necessary. The only aircraft capable of delivering the bomb is the U.S. B-2. We cannot just supply Israel with it. There are 19 B-2s in the inventory and they are based at Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri. They have demonstrated their world-wide ability to strike during previous conflicts having flown 34 hour combat missions from Missouri to Libya and back in 2017 using in flight refueling, for one example.

It is a cliche to say that we go to war with the president we have — good, bad or indifferent. Trump has a big decision to make, although it seems hard to believe that he totally understands what is going on. For example, his social media post yesterday directed at Iran said only “UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER!” Which raises many serious questions about his state of mind. For the record, there are extremely few historical examples of “unconditional surrender” with the last one being Japan at the end of World War II.

There is a case to be made for the U.S. to bomb Iran. From where Iran sits, they now see that they are in dire need of a credible deterrent. Without a nuclear capability they have been exposed as defenseless. Should the bombing stop short of a significant impact on their nuclear program, they have every incentive to accelerate the program and procure one as quickly as possible. One could argue that now is the time to finish the job. Kick them while they are down, so to speak, so that no one has to come back later to finish what could have been done now.

The danger inherent in such U.S. involvement is extreme. Not in the short run, the U.S. could take casualties in any operation but given the current state of Iran’s air defenses, the risk would be assessed as acceptable. The real danger is long term. How does Iran retaliate against us — for they will retaliate in some form or another. What are our strategic goals? Simply to destroy or significantly delay the nuclear program? Trump has been speculating on social media about regime change — assassinating the Ayatollah and other Iranian leaders. Iran is a country of over 90 million people, many of whom resent the regime that has been in place since 1979. However, that does not mean that they want the U.S. or Israel to eliminate their government. Who takes charge? Under President George W. Bush the U.S. thought that bringing down Saddam would be easy and result in a free and democratic Iraq. While most Iraqis were glad to see Saddam gone, they were just as unhappy to see U.S. forces do it and remain in their country. We know what happened there. What to do in Iran?

This is where it gets tricky. It is one thing to bomb Iran, it is another to deal with the aftermath. It seems that Mr. Netanyahu knows how to play to Trump’s biases and ego. He has him nearly ready to provide support to the Israeli mission to destroy Iran. But what does that really mean and what is the long term commitment? Take a look at Gaza. Mr. Netanyahu’s objective there was to eliminate Hamas. That conflict has turned into what appears to be a long term goal to destroy everything in Gaza. Apparently the only way to eliminate Hamas is to eliminate every Palestinian that lives there — either kill them or move them. That campaign has gone on much longer than what was militarily necessary. What are the plans for Iran?

Wars are easy to start but hard to end. We need look only at our own history. I do not trust our president or his senior advisers to think through the totality of their actions. Looking tough seems to be their only goal. That is not good enough. There are sound strategic, geo-political and military arguments to use our forces to decimate Iran’s nuclear program. It is the “what’s next” question that I have not seen anyone in the administration thinking about. How does this all end?


Iran

While you were enjoying the holidays with friends and family, you may have missed that the United States conducted a drone strike killing five people including Iranian General Qasem Soleimani.  The strike took place at the Baghdad Airport as the general was reportedly on his way to a meeting with Iraqi officials.  It was done without the knowledge of the Iraqis.

Killing General Soleimani, and the U.S. and world reaction in the aftermath, shows a real Policy-Strategy mismatch in the stated goals of the Trump Administration.

Mr. Donald J. Trump campaigned on a policy, and continues to reiterate it on the 2020 campaign trail, of pulling our troops out of the Middle East and to not pursue what he calls “endless wars.” His administration’s stated policy for the future is to focus on realigning our military forces and deployments to get away from the War on Terror and to instead focus on near competitors such as China and Russia. This action in Iraq furthers none of these goals.

Killing General Soleimani was in itself not a bad thing.  On one important level, the world is much better off without him.  He was, in the vernacular, a “bad guy.”  No tears are shed in  this space for his demise.  The question is whether it was wise or not.  The problem is that I suspect the Trump Administration had no long-term plan.  No next steps.  No branches and sequels that anticipated the understanding of, or planning for, probable Iranian retaliation.  When taking such an action, proper planning requires thinking through the consequences and preparing for the inevitable reaction.  I don’t see that that was done.  An old military saying is that no plan survives contact with the enemy.  They get a vote on what happens next.  It is imperative that before taking such a drastic action that planners think through the probable consequences and prepare for them.

They should know that the Iranians will retaliate.  Period.  They must in order to keep their position as a power broker in the region.  Most likely they will do so in an asymmetrical way.  Cyber attacks.  Terrorist attacks. Surrogates attacking US interests in third countries. Interfering with shipping in the Persian Gulf through rocket or mine attacks.  Probably in a way that allows for plausible deniability that makes it more difficult for the U.S. to respond.  The Iranians know that they cannot go toe to toe with the US military, but they also know that they can do a lot of damage — especially psychologically and economically.  And Americans are likely to die.

There is a reason that over the last thirty years we attacked Iraq rather than Iran.  Iran has always been a bad actor — by far much worse than Iraq under Saddam Hussein.  Iran is the main source of terrorism in the Middle East and has been since their revolution in the late 1970’s as they try to export that revolution.  Not unlike the Soviet Union in their heyday.  We attacked Iraq twice because they were bad actors, but more importantly, it was doable.  Iran is a completely different ball game.  Despite stereotypes, Iran is a modern, technologically savvy nation with a large and capable military.  Not in the US league, but good, and probably the best of those in the region.

When analyzing the attack, the evidence given by the Administration for carrying out the killing does not make sense.  Secretary of State Mike Pompeo argues that it was in response to intelligence that indicated an “imminent threat” to U.S. forces.  This is important if one is considering the legal reasons for the killing.  The President continually states that it is retribution for past actions by Iran, directed by General Soleimani.  Not a legal reason for the undertaking under either U.S. or international law.

I don’t want to get hung up on the legality of the attack as in some ways, it is a distraction.  It is important in another way if we want international support for our actions.  The attack could be easily considered an assassination.  Killing him was roughly equivalent to taking out our Director of the CIA or the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. General Soleimani was an official of the sovereign nation of Iran.  Additionally, the killing took place on the sovereign territory of Iraq, without their knowledge.  In international law, and in practical support, this has consequences.  It is definitely not the same as taking out Osama bin Laden or any other terrorist leader.  He was an official with diplomatic standing in a sovereign government conducting official business in another sovereign nation.  More importantly to the follow-on actions by Iran, the general was in all practicality the number two official in Iran and a national and regional hero.

Despite Mr. Trump’s pronouncements, we are considerably less safe in the Middle East now than before his death.  Thousands of U.S. forces are being deployed to protect US bases, embassies, and civilians throughout the region.  The forces already deployed to fight ISIS in Iraq and Syria have ceased all operations against the terrorists in order to focus on self-protection, known in military parlance as force protection.  NATO forces in the region stopped training Iraqi forces and have departed or hunkered down.  The State Department warned all US citizens to depart Iraq.  The Iraqi parliament voted to demand the departure of all US military personnel.  The US military in Iraq informed their counterparts that they are “re-positioning troops” in Iraq In preparation for withdrawing all or part of the force.

Today, the Iranians officially declared they will no longer adhere to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) which eliminated the near-term pursuit of their nuclear weapons program.  Expect them to start building nuclear weapons.

The list goes on.  We are definitely not safer.  It doesn’t help when the world knows and documents that Trump has told over 15,000 lies since taking office.  The support for this action from allies and friends is either non-existent or extremely muted.  His reasons for attacking now lack credibility on the world stage.  There have been imminent threats in that region for decades. It is a dangerous place.  To date, the administration offers no evidence of any new or significant change to the situation.

Additionally, while General Soleimani was charismatic, there are other qualified generals to take his place.  He personally did not carry out attacks.  The troops and covert assets under Iranian control do.  They still exist and are in place.  Killing him will not tactically or operationally stop any attacks.

To me, concerns of an all out war are premature.  But Trump’s decision was immature.  It was a feel good, “aren’t I tough” move rather than a thought out strategic decision.  Although I do not think that all out war is imminent, there is clearly a great opportunity for a miscalculation on each side which could lead to a larger conflict.  There will be a series of tit-for-tat measures taken by both sides.  If the military responses are not proportional and relevant, then the chance for escalation is high. Unfortunately, since Mr. Trump has tripled down on threats to purposefully and deliberately destroy Iranian cultural sites (a war crime under the Geneva Convention) the indications are not ones of restraint by the president.  As Mr. Trump threatens to destroy 52 targets (one for each American hostage in 1979) the Iranians have indicated that they could hit 290 targets (one for each passenger and crew killed by the 1988 shootdown of an Iranian civilian Airbus by the USS Vincennes).

There is another scenario, however.  The Iranians under General Soleimani, with the concurrence of the Ayatollah, was conducting an escalating campaign against American interests to test the limits of what they could get away with.  Since there was no US response, to numerous provocations (shooting down a U.S. drone, mine attacks on tankers, a missile attack on Saudi oil fields, etc.) they were slowly ratcheting up their activities.  They thought that Mr. Trump was afraid of conflict in the Gulf region. They were trying to get the president to accelerate his promise to withdraw U.S. forces from Iraq by making it painful to stay.  They were trying to do so without crossing the line into provoking an all out American response. Since their economy is in dire straits, they desperately want to have sanctions lifted.  This attack on the second most important man in Iran may cause them to recalibrate their thinking, even to the point of starting back channel negotiations with the U.S.  The danger is, that even if such negotiations come to pass, it will literally go up in smoke if the US or Iran miscalculates on its military response.

It is well known in international relations that one cannot deter an opponent if they don’t know what it is they are supposed to be deterred from doing.  With the, at best, uneven, at worst, ignorant, Trump foreign policy, it is difficult for friends, enemies and allies to know what is expected of them.  Surprises and unpredictability are assets in actual combat.  They are a detriment in trying to implement a strategy to fulfill any policy, especially in the Middle East.

We are in dangerous times.  All out war is not inevitable.  However, current events are disconcerting given the context that there seems to be no clear strategy to implement our policy, should it be a possible to discern a clear U.S, policy in the region in the first place.

Careening from tweet to tweet does not help us with our allies, our friends or deter our enemies.  Mr. Trump and his advisers need to step back, but not step down, and think through exactly what they are trying to achieve.  They need to think five or six steps ahead and not just react to day to day developments.

I know that there are still conscientious and professional people in the intelligence community, the State Department and the Department of Defense.  The question is whether decision makers will understand what they are being told and will they listen?